# How primes, subcontractors and suppliers split the value chain
A single F-35 fighter jet contains parts from roughly 1,900 suppliers across 46 US states. Lockheed Martin, the prime contractor, books the headline revenue and the durable margin. The company making the landing gear bolts does not. This gap is not an accident of scale. It is the structural logic of how mega-contracts get built, priced, and defended.
Understanding who captures value in a public infrastructure or defense deal, and why, is core to reading power in this sector. Let's take it apart.
Every large public contract has a rough hierarchy:
The prime is not necessarily the best engineer in the chain. It is the party that can absorb the biggest contract, manage political risk, and coordinate hundreds of subcontractors without the whole thing collapsing.
Three structural reasons explain why primes keep more of the value they help create.
1. They hold the contract and the risk buffer.
Government contracts often carry fixed-price terms once a design is finalized, meaning cost overruns are the contractor's problem, not the taxpayer's (this is the logic behind Fixed-Price Incentive, FPI, contracts used by DoD). Primes negotiate pricing with government buyers directly. They then push firm, tightly-priced terms down to subcontractors, effectively exporting schedule and cost risk downward while keeping the pricing power upward.
2. They own systems integration.
Nobody else can assemble 1,900 suppliers' parts into a working aircraft or coordinate the sequencing of a rail tunnel. Systems integration is the scarce capability, and scarce capability commands margin. A subcontractor making a single sensor is replaceable; the prime managing the whole platform is not.
3. Barriers to becoming a prime are enormous.
Bidding for a multi-billion-dollar defense or infrastructure contract requires bonding capacity, security clearances, decades of past-performance history, and lobbying infrastructure. In the US, the Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR), the rulebook governing federal purchasing, sets qualification thresholds that few firms can meet. This is why the same handful of primes (Lockheed Martin, RTX, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics in the US; Airbus, Leonardo, BAE Systems, Thales in Europe) recur across decades of contracts.
Take a hypothetical $1 billion infrastructure contract (a rail extension, for illustration; figures are stylized estimates, not from a real project):
| Layer | Share of contract value | Typical margin |
|---|---|---|
| Prime contractor | ~100% (holds full contract) | 8-12% |
| Tier 1 subcontractors (structural, systems) | ~55-65% of value passed down | 4-7% |
| Tier 2/3 suppliers (materials, components) | ~20-30% passed further down | 2-4% |
The prime keeps a mid-teens share of total value as pure margin while subcontracting most of the *work*. Subs further down absorb thinner margins and, critically, bear fixed-price risk on materials whose costs (steel, semiconductors, specialty alloys) can spike after the bid is locked in. When steel prices rose sharply in 2021-2022, it was Tier 2 suppliers, not primes, who took the biggest hit on fixed-price subcontracts signed before the spike.
This is directionally accurate for how large defense and infrastructure programs are structured; real margins vary by program and are often not publicly disclosed in this granularity.
Subcontractors are not powerless, but their leverage depends on how replaceable they are.
Regulators shape this balance too. The European Union's public procurement directives and the US FAR both include clauses meant to protect small suppliers (set-asides, prompt-payment rules), but enforcement is uneven, and primes have far more resources to navigate compliance than a 50-person machine shop does.
For a practical look at how US federal procurement rules actually work, the Acquisition.gov FAR portal is the primary public source, not simplified, but authoritative.
Vérification des acquis
1. Why does the prime contractor capture more durable margin than the subcontractor making a critical component, even if that subcontractor's part is technically excellent?
2. What is the key distinction between a Tier 1 subcontractor and a Tier 2/3 supplier in a defense or infrastructure value chain?
3. A mid-sized firm is deciding whether to bid as a prime on a large public infrastructure contract or stay a subcontractor. Based on the structural logic described, what capability matters most for successfully becoming a prime?
4. Select ALL correct answers about the roles within a public contract value chain.
Sélectionnez toutes les réponses correctes.
5. Select ALL correct answers about why value concentrates at the top of the chain in mega public contracts.
Sélectionnez toutes les réponses correctes.
A few dynamics are reshaping who captures margin:
🎬 [VIDEO: "How the Defense Industry Actually Works" - youtube.com/@WendoverProductions - a clear breakdown of prime/subcontractor structure in modern defense procurement, useful for visualizing the tiered value chain described above]
When assessing any public mega-contract, ask:
1. Who holds the direct government contract? That party has pricing power and reputational exposure.
2. How many alternative suppliers exist for each critical subsystem? Fewer alternatives means more leverage for that supplier.
3. What pricing structure governs each layer? Fixed-price contracts push risk downward; cost-plus contracts (where the buyer reimburses costs plus a fee) spread risk more evenly but are less common at lower tiers.
4. Is there a new entrant (software, data, materials innovator) disrupting the traditional tier structure? These entrants often capture disproportionate margin precisely because they don't fit the old bidding rules.